02:Kurdistan Info Bulletin #1

newsdesk_aps_nl at apsf.aps.nl newsdesk_aps_nl at apsf.aps.nl
Wed Jan 25 21:47:10 GMT 1995


From: newsdesk_aps_nl at apsf.aps.nl (newsdesk at aps.nl)
Subject: 02:Kurdistan Info Bulletin #1


National Congress. The fact that there are hundreds of thousands
of Kurds abroad and a growing international interest makes the
formation of such a body possible.

The policies of France and Germany towards the Kurds appear to be
different to other countries. How do you evaluate these policies
and what is your position?

     France has a significant unity of interests with Turkey. If
France persists with its negative attitude we will take steps to
counter it. Also if Germany persists with its current Middle East
policies it means its investments will suffer. However, if they
wish to abandon their current policies then we can formulate
policies based on reconciliation that are in our interests,
rather than respond to them in a hostile way. But self-reliance
is essential. Exercising our will in an independent way is
fundamental for us.

Russia has begun to return towards the areas where it formerly
had influence. It is seeking to develop relations in the Middle
East, particularly with Turkey, and has signed some agreements in
the defence field. Can Russia develop an active policy on the
Kurdish question?

     Russia will try to revive its classic diplomacy of the
Tsarist period. Russia's Kurdish policy is important for two
reasons: Firstly, because of the Turkic Republics in Central Asia
and because of Turkey with its pan-Turkism has designs towards
them due to their vast oil and gas resources, and secondly, the
strategic value of the Bosphorus Straits. There is also the
question of Armenia in the Caucasus and of Russia finding an
identity of its own in the Middle East. The Kurds are at the
point where all these problems meet. Consequently Russia will not
remain idle while the USA increases its interest in the Kurdish
question. In fact it would not surprise us if Russia formulated a
bolder Kurdish policy in the near future. Meetings have been held
with PKK representatives to help delineate this policy.
Conversely Russia recently sold arms to Turkey and is also
involved in Black Sea economic cooperation.

Recently there have been talks between Turkey and Iraq and Turkey
and Iran. Relations continue with Israel. How do you evaluate
these developments?

     Iran's relations with the Kurds is connected with the
dominant Persian element in the Iranian state. There is also a
part of Kurdistan in Iran and for this reason, too, Iran is
interested in the issue. There is also Turkey's interest in the
Azeris and the existence of the Turkic Republics in central Asia.
As a neighbour it has the PKK which is based on an entirely
different ideology. Iran will develop a Kurdish policy based on
winning over the Kurds on a pan-Islamic basis. Iran will also
want to develop its relations with the PKK, depending on the
state of its relations with Turkey. Syria has a similar approach.
For Syria there are the questions of the Sanjak of Alexandretta,
water, and the border. It also has its own Kurdish minority.
There is also the Israel factor. For these reasons Syria will not
be able to easily oppose the Kurds and will continue to desire
close relations with the Kurdish movement. Iraq, too, will wish
to make peace with the Kurds instead of making permanent war.

How do you see the struggle between Turkey and the PKK
developing?

     Our movement will continue to grow. The PKK has support in
all parts of Kurdistan and has, to a great extent, influenced
other organisations. In 10 years the PKK has grown over a hundred
fold. In 1984 we started with 30 guerrillas attacking Eruh. In
Amed province there were less than 10 guerrillas. Now there are
over a thousand in Amed province. In Europe in the 80s we didn't
even have a hundred supporters, now 200,000 people can be
mobilised for demonstrations. We will carry the war into Turkey.
Economic targets will be hit. Tourism has already been affected.
It will be completely halted. If death squad killings do not stop
we will retaliate in kind. If the Turkish regime does not put an
end to the dirty war and start democratisation then the present
situation will continue and this will have a negative effect on
the economy as well as on the people.

Is it possible that a ceaseflre will be called in the near
future?

     The same evaluations that were made at the time of last
year's ceasefire are still valid. There are urgent demands that
must be met, like a new constitution, the lifting of the state of
emergency, and the prosecution of people like Turkes who are
guilty of murder. People who have been forced to leave their
villages must be paid compensation and their homes repaired so
that they can return. Prisoners of conscience must be released
and the DEP trial stopped. Will the regime opt for this? I doubt
it. It is still determined to continue the dirty war. It is up to
them.

What can the Turkish people do to help bring an end to the dirty
war?

     The existing situation is the outcome of the dirty war and
revolutionary struggle. They are two completely different things.
The development of the revolutionary struggle is a source of
pride for us. The dirty war is a source of shame, a dark stain
for the army and the people. I call on the Turkish democrats and
progressives to do their democratic duty. You must see the
revolutionary possibilities created by our struggle. We are
prepared to assist you and fight with you side by side. To the
people of Kurdistan, I want to use for the first time the phrase
"citizens of Kurdistan". You must conform to the new laws of
society. New forms and rules are coming into being. We have to
abandon our old obstinacy and establish a system where the rule
of law is respected and where we can live a patriotic, dignified
life. To establish a national order is a great advance for us.

(From: Ozgur Ulke, August 17-23, 1994)

7) For A Free And Independent Kurdistan! 16 Years Of The PKK

     The Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK) was founded 16 years ago
at a time when it seemed as though the Kurdish people would
disappear from history. The PKK based itself on the conviction
that the Kurdish people have a right to a free life, which is the
natural right of all peoples. It began its legitimate struggle
under impossible circumstances. The Turkish state responded with
brutal violence. Whereas the PKK had legitimate reasons to begin
this struggle, the attacks by the Turkish state were illegitimate
and were concerned with denying the existence of the Kurdish
people. The Turkish state really believed it had eliminated the
Kurds and buried them under cement. According to the Turkish
Republic, there are no Kurds and there never will be.
     The struggle between the PKK and the Turkish Republic has
developed accordingly until today. The reason why the PKK took up
armed struggle in addition to other forms of struggle in order to
liberate the Kurdish people was the politics of lies and
destruction practiced by the Turkish Republic. The PKK had to
defend against attacks using a variety of weapons to prevent the
legitimate struggle of the Kurdish people from being destroyed
and drowned in a bloodbath. The PKK had no choice but to answer
violence with violence. The PKK is not fanatically obsessed with
armed struggle. On the contrary, the PKK has made efforts at the
international level to reach a political solution and has made
offers for a ceasefire which are still valid today.
     Because of the fact that the struggle of the PKK is a humane
struggle and one for the freedom of a people, it has developed
political strength in a very short time. In this short time, the
PKK has won the trust of the Kurdish people. The PKK has given
the Kurdish people political consciousness and has made them
confident in their free thoughts by means of its political work.
The Kurdish people recognize their future and their liberation in
the struggle being led by the PKK. The Kurdish people have taken
a clear position in the face of the oppression and barbarism, the
terror and the massacres of the Turkish state, and, organized by
the avantgarde, the PKK, they are in a position to recognize
their real enemy.
     The Turkish state is losing credibility day by day, because
it is carrying out an unjust struggle with uncivilized methods.
But still it has not been able to separate the PKK from the
Kurdish people, nor has it been able to stop the masses from
going over to the PKK. Although the PKK historically took up its
struggle under impossible conditions, within a short period of
time it was able to free the Kurdish people from slavery and to
turn a people into freedom fighters. By means of this struggle,
the world has been shown that the Turkish state is a uniquely
barbaric and terroristic state.
     The tight connection between the Kurdish people and the
struggle of the PKK is proof of the victory of the liberation
struggle of the Kurdish people. Today, the Turkish Republic has
no political support in Kurdistan. It is trying to keep itself on
its feet by stationing half of its army in Kurdistan to carry out
a special war. As a result of the alienation of the Kurdish
people from the Turkish Republic, the Turkish army has become a
foreign occupying force. The people in Kurdistan no longer
recognize the authority of the Turkish Republic. The oppression,
massacres, and all the methods of destruction practiced by the
Turkish state only make the Kurdish people more militant.
     This is a hopeless situation for the Turkish Republic, for
one thing because the people and the PKK have grown together. The
PKK has become the Kurdish people itself. As a result, the PKK,
as praxis has shown, is the people, and the people are the PKK.
Therefore, it is now impossible to separate the Kurdish people
and the PKK from one another.
     That is the reason why the Turkish Republic is carrying out
a war of total destruction. Because the Turkish state has not had
any success against the PKK and has had to endure continual blows
from the PKK guerrilla, it has turned its entire military might
against the people. The Turkish state tortures and arrests people
at will and puts them in internment camps. It destroys houses,
burns villages, and puts people in flight. Last but not least, it
bombards the mountains and burns the forests with the goal of
reducing the guerrilla's ability to move around freely.
     All of these are clear signs of the defeat of the Turkish
Republic and of the victory of the PKK. Kurdistan is not only a
defeat for the Turkish Republic, but also for Western
imperialism. Germany's repressive intervention against the
Kurdish people is at a point where the Turkish Republic can no
longer find a solution. So the banning of the PKK and the ERNK
are not without reason. Germany is trying to defeat the Kurdish
liberation struggle in order to protect its own economic and
political interests. Therefore, Germany has made itself guilty.
Its justifications for its position with regard to the Kurdish
people and for the banning of the PKK and the ERNK cannot be
maintained. The only terrorist who should be accused is the
Turkish Republic. Neither the PKK nor the Kurdish people are
terrorist. The PKK and the Kurdish people have no quarrel with
Germany and they do not ask anything of Germany. Our people have
simply made use of their right to organize solidarity events and
demonstrations. Such activities have been carried out in several
other Western states without any problems. If confrontations
break out in Germany, then Germany itself is responsible on
account of its pro-Turkish politics. If Germany doesn't want to
have any problems, then it should leave the Kurdish people in
peace and stop supporting Turkey's special war.
     Certainly Germany is not interested in bearing the brunt of
the anger of the Kurdish people, because anyone who opposes the
Kurdish people will surely be defeated. Just as the Turkish
Republic will lose this struggle, the same thing applies for
Germany. Germany also uses methods of repression against the
Kurdish people, as does the Turkish Republic. The Kurdish people
support their liberation movement, the PKK, in Europe, and just
as they do back home in Kurdistan, they shout the slogan: "The
PKK is the people, we are the people!" Repression and bans will
only make the Kurds living in Europe even more militant and it
will strenghten the organizations and the individuals. Germany
should bear this in mind and back off from its present political
course.
     We call on the German people to recognize this reality and
to protest Germany's aid for genocide. We call on the German
people to support the Kurdish peoples' struggle for humanity and
freedom.

Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK)
European Representatives
November 23, 1994

8) Interview With ARGK Regional Commander

"The Turkish Republic Has Lost Its State Authority"

     On Saturday, October 8, 1994, the KURD-A news agency held an
interview with Ebebukir Atac, regional commander of the Kurdistan
national liberation army ARGK.
     The Kurdistan national liberation army ARGK, the military
wing of the Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK), has divided north-west
Kurdistan (eastern Turkey) into three military regions. Ebubekir
Atac, who commands an estimated 13,000-15,000 guerrillas,
commands the "middle" region. This region contains the Kurdish
districts Garzan, Amed, Diyarbakir, Mardin, Bitlis, Bingol, and
Mus.
     During the interview, he confirmed reports from foreign
observers that the PKK now has vast portions of the region under
its control. The PKK now controls approximately 70-80% of
north-west Kurdistan. "I can say that the Turkish government has
no state authority in Kurdistan anymore." This authority, he
said, was now in the hands of the PKK.
     In reference to the many expensive operations undertaken by
the Turkish army over the last two months, Ebubekir Atac noted
that "the Turkish government has tried everything militarily
possible, but it has achieved nothing". The military leadership
in Ankara has been exploiting its soldiers to the fullest. "The
soldiers are being used as cannon fodder in the most perverse
fashion."
     The ARGK commander described the military situation by
noting that the guerrilla struggle is now - as planned - becoming
increasingly focussed on urban centers. The Turkish army has had
to abandon more and more military stations and concentrate their
forces in barracks close to the cities.
     That's why one goal for the coming time period will be, on
the one hand, "to strengthen attacks on the military stations
until no more exist", and also to remove the so-called system of
"village guards" which the Turkish government established in
Kurdistan, according to Ebubekir Atac.
     The ARGK commander stated that the Kurdistan national
liberation front would launch a major offensive in 1995, with the
goal being a general popular uprising in Kurdistan.

(KURD-A Press Agency - November 5, 1994)

9) PKK European Spokesperson Arrested

     On October 26, 1994, British police arrested Kani Yilmaz,
the European spokesperson for the Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK).
Yilmaz was arrested at Westminster subway station, as he was
travelling to address a Labour Party event entitled "The Future
Of The Kurdish People". Yilmaz was in London on the invitation of
a member of the British parliament. It is certain that Kani
Yilmaz was arrested on the order of officials at the Turkish
embassy.
     After his arrest, Kani Yilmaz was placed in top-security
detention. Officials in Germany are trying to have him deported
back to Germany, where he has refugee status. Turkish officials
have stated that they would then like Germany to deport Yilmaz
back to Turkey.
     Kurdish groups and their supporters have organized several
protests in London and in several German cities as well to demand
the immediate release of Kani Yilmaz. British parliamentarians as
well have expressed their extreme disgust at the fact that police
have arrested and detained a man invited by some members of the
British parliament to give a talk on the prospects for a
political solution to the war in Kurdistan.
     On December 30, 1994, a judge was supposed to rule on
whether or not Kani Yilmaz would be deported to Germany. This
hearing was postponed. For more information on the case, contact:

Kurdistan Information Centre
10 Glasshouse Yard
London EC1A 4JN

tel. 0171 250 1315
fax. 0171 250 1317
e-mail: kic.london at kurd.aps.nl

10) Kurdish Youth Murdered By German Police

     Close to midnight on Thursday, June 30, a 16-year-old
Kurdish asylum-seeker was shot in the back and killed by a
plainclothes police officer in the German city of Hannover. The
youth, Halim Dener (Ayhan Eser), was out with five friends
hanging ERNK (National Liberation Front of Kurdistan) posters.
When a police car passed by, the youths split up. Once the car
was out of sight, Halim and a friend continued postering. Then,
two plainclothes officers surprised the boys and attempted to
arrest them, but both were able to flee. Seconds later, a shot
rang out, and Halim was dead with a bullet in his back. The
police are calling this murder "an accident", but witness
accounts state that the officer opened fire at close range and
shot Halim in the back.
     Halim and his family had only arrived in Germany six weeks
before, at the end of May, after fleeing from the Kurdish village
of Parcuk in the province of Bingol. The village of Parcuk, like
so many others in Kurdistan, had been de-populated and then
destroyed by the Turkish army.
     On the Saturday following Halim's murder, spontaneous
demonstrations were held in several German cities. In Hannover,
more than 1,000 people held a march to protest Halim's murder.
Marchers carried photos of Halim, as well as flags and posters of
the ERNK, an organization which was outlawed in Germany along
with the PKK (Kurdistan Workers Party) and more than 30 other
Kurdish organizations in November 1993. The marchers also
demanded the resignation of German interior minister Kanther who
was responsible for the banning of the PKK/ERNK. Later Saturday
night, police vehicles and police stations in Hannover,
Osnabruck, Oldenburg, and Braunschweig were attacked with stones
and molotov cocktails. In Berlin, a Turkish travel agency was
firebombed, and more than two dozen stores in different parts of
the city had their windows smashed. Other actions and
demonstrations were held in Hamburg and several other cities as
well.
     On Monday, July 4, approximately 1,000 people held a
demonstration in Berlin to protest Halim's murder. Police
threatened to attack the demonstration at several points, because
marchers were carrying ERNK posters (the same poster Halim was
hanging when he was murdered), but demonstrators continued to
wave the ERNK posters and chant slogans in support of the
outlawed PKK and were able to complete the demo route unhindered.
After the demonstration had ended, however, riot police charged
groups of people as they attempted to board subways trains.
Several people were injured. In Kiel, Kurds drove a convoy of
approximately 20 cars through the city streets waving PKK flags
and denouncing the police murder of Halim Deren. Police arrested
11 Kurds during this action.
     Also on July 4, approximately 50 ERNK supporters occupied
the German embassy in Athens, Greece, to protest Halim's murder.
After about two hours, the demonstrators left the embassy. There
were no arrests. Two days later, Kurds occupied a German
consulate in the Danish city of Apenrade.
     On Saturday, July 9, more than 16,000 attended a funeral
march for Halim Dener in Hannover. Thousands of people carried
PKK/ERNK flags and banners during the four-hour procession
through the city's centre. Halim's coffin was carried to the site
where a German policeman murdered him nine days before. Despite
witness accounts which prove that Halim was the victim of a
politically-motivated murder, police officials are still calling
the youth's death an "accident".
     On Friday, July 22, the body of Halim Dener was stolen by
Turkish security forces from the airport of the city of
Diyarbakir. His family had brought Halim back to Kurdistan to be
buried but Turkish soldiers took Halim's coffin to an undisclosed
location and buried it in secret. A delegation of Green and
socialist German politicians who were accompanying the return of
Halim's body to Kurdistan were detained at the airport and not
allowed to travel to the burial site, and a TV crew who were sent
to film Halim's funeral were detained in a hotel room. Soldiers
prevented Halim's parents from seeing Halim's coffin at the
airport before it was taken away.

11) Police Attack Kurdish Protests In Mannheim

     It was supposed to be a send-off for a march by Kurdish
women to the European parliament in Strasbourg. But as more than
400 Kurds gathered in the city center of Mannheim on Monday,
September 26, 1994, the German police acted as they have become
accustomed to acting: The demonstration was declared an illegal
gathering of PKK supporters, and riot police were ordered to
attack. Several of the women marchers were injured as police used
clubs and water cannons to break up the demonstration. At least
315 Kurds were arrested.
     On Tuesday, September 27, around 70 Kurdish women occupied
Mannheim's town hall to protest the police violence from the
previous day. Outside the building, riot police attacked 100
Kurdish demonstrators who were supporting the women's sit-in.
During the confrontation, a 20 year old Kurdish youth rushed one
riot policeman and stole his pistol. The youth was immediately
tackled by half a dozen other officers. The gun - which
apparently was not on safety - went off and wounded another Kurd
in the leg. After the shooting incident, riot police stormed into
the town hall building and brutally attacked the women inside. On
this day in Mannheim, around 170 Kurds were arrested and several
were injured.
     Apparently in protest of the police violence against Kurds
in Mannheim, a series of firebombings were carried out on Monday
night, causing extensive damage to several German police
stations, as well as to the Deutsche Bank office in Kiehl and the
central post office in Offenburg.

12) Deportation Is Murder! Solidarity With The Kurds!

     Today, we are blocking this section of the Autobahn to show
our solidarity with the Kurds who are resiting the genocidal
policies of the Turkish government.
     Germany, in its role as Turkey's most important arms
supplier, NATO ally, and source of currency, is an accomplice to
the policies of destruction, expulsion, and oppression being
carried out by the Turkish government against the Kurds in
Kurdistan.
     We strongly protest the German government's criminalization
of every form of political or cultural expression by the Kurds
and their organizations in Germany.
     The height of this criminalization of one of the largest
minority populations living in Germany came with the banning of
35 Kurdish organizations in November 1993.
     For the past few weeks, we have seen a hardening of the
government's stance against the Kurds. The Kurdish New Year's
Festival (Newroz), a long-standing traditional expression of the
Kurds' cultural identity and political resistance to their
oppression, was banned in many parts of Germany and Kurdish
gatherings were brutally dispersed by police. The same happened
during the Autobahn blockades staged by the Kurds, which were an
attempt to make the German public aware of the increasingly
desperate situation in Kurdistan and to pressure the German
government to change its course and stop supporting Turkey. After
police provocation led to confrontations, the traffic stoppages
by the Kurds were denounced by the media and seemingly all
political parties as "terrorist acts".
     This clearly shows the double-standard of the established
parties: Whereas Autobahn blockades by steel workers, truck
drivers, and farmers are seen as understandable expressions of
those peoples' uncertain position and the appropriate government
ministers hurry to the scene of the protest, Kurds are
immediately labelled as "terrorists" as a result of their
blockades.
     This criminalization and smear-campaign has now reached a
stage where the provincial governments and the federal government
are calling for those Kurds involved in the protests to be
deported to Turkey. The Turkish government claims that those
persons deported will not be tortured or killed. In Bayern, the
first deportations have already been approved, even though part
of the ruling coalition there sees these deportations as illegal.
For those concerned, deportation will surely mean torture and
prison and, in many cases, death.
     The criminalization, smear-campaign, and deportations are
just the latest signs of a state that is becoming increasingly
authoritarian and nationalistic:

- Last year, the right to seek asylum in Germany was practically
abolished. This action was taken with the intention of keeping
refugees out of Germany and of deporting them.

- The "foreigner laws", which were made even more strict in 1991,
are the basis for interior minister Kanther's ability to carry
out the deportations.

     Finally, this is but the latest in a series of measures
designed to deny immigrants and refugees any outlet for political
activity and to force them into silence with the terror of
threatened and actual deportations.

No deportations of Kurds and other immigrants/refugees!
Complete political self-determination for immigrants and refugees
living here!
No weapons for Turkey's military regime!
Freedom for Kurdistan!

Berlin Autonomen, 15.04.94

13) Letter From Leyla Zana

Desperate Kurdish Cry Of Protest Rises From Prison Cell

(This letter by Leyla Zana MP was smuggled out of an Ankara jail.
She, along with 7 other Kurdish MP's, was charged with high
treason and the promotion of separatism, a charge which carries
the death penalty. The eight Kurds, who were elected members of
the Turkish parliament from the Democracy Party (DEP), which was
banned in Turkey in June, were stripped of the parliamentary
immunity in March. The Turkish government claims the eight were
actually just a political front for the PKK. The DEP party was
formed after a similar pro-Kurdish party, the HEP, was banned by
Turkish officials. In the past few months, several DEP
politicians have been killed by "unknown assailants" in
Turkish-occupied Kurdistan.)

     Turkey has a tradition under which politicians are
periodically arrested and thrown into prison after a military
coup. But even against that background, the actions taken against
me and my Kurdish parliamentary colleagues are something new.
This is the first time that under a so-called civilian government
elected representatives are being intimidated with the threat of
capital punishment.
     These actions are purely political. Even before we were
arraigned before a court, Tansu Ciller, the Prime Minister,
several ministers and all the leaders of the political parties
judged and condemned us. During the municipal elections of last
March, Mrs Ciller referred to was "the traitors in parliament"
and the government's spokesman described us on state television
as "terrorists". In such circumstances, a parliament no longer
deserves its name and it is no longer possible to believe in
Turkish justice.
     This justice wants me condemned to death for my peaceful and
legal activities carried out in my capacity as a member of
parliament for the city of Diyarbakir. It reproaches me in a
higgledy-piggledy fashion for opinions expressed in the assembly,
during meetings of my constituents, in the local and
international press, and for going on hunger strike to protest
against the destruction of the Kurdish city of Sirnak by the
army.
     I have appealed for peace and for dialogue. My crime has
been to use a Kurdish phrase for the friendship of Kurds and
Turks and their coexistence during my oath of loyalty in
parliament. Even the colour of my clothes are supposed to make me
a 'separatist'.
     Again, speaking of the existence of the Kurdish people, of
the land of Kurdistan, demanding a peaceful recognition of the
culture and the identity of the Kurds in a democratic system and
within existing borders, make me 'a member of the political wing
of the Kurdistan Workers Party', even though that party is
engaged in a war with the Turkish state and I search for a
peaceful solution to the Kurdish problem.
     Nor am I alone speaking of the Kurds. Turgut Ozal, our late
president, spoke publicly of the existence of "12 million Kurds
in Turkey" and argued that a federal solution, was possible to
this problem. Even our President, Suleyman Demirel, said in
November 1991: "From now onwards, Turkey recognises the reality
of the Kurds."
     The Kurdish people are not the product of my imagination.
Historians tell us that the Kurds have been inhabiting their
present land from the dawn of recorded time, have their own
language, a culture and a civilisation of their own. My people
conducted 28 uprisings between 1806 and 1937 to achieve their
liberation. President Demirel has described the present guerrilla
war as the 29th.
     At the end of the First World War, when the very existence
of Turkey was threatened, the Kurds responded generously to the
plea of Mustafa Kemal and he promised that they would obtain
their full rights in the new state. Seventy-five Kurdish
officials sat in the national assembly "as deputies of
Kurdistan".
     In 1922 Kemal, later "Ataturk", announced a law of 19
articles for the "province of Kurdistan and its assembly". He
delayed the examination of his proposals, however, until the
Treaty of Lausanne, which recognised the new Turkish state in
July 1923, was concluded. The Kurdish deputies who had previously
helped him were sent to the Tribunal of Independence, a direct
ancestor of the court that is trying us now, and the tribunal
sent them to the gallows. A new constitution in 1924 forbade the
use of the word "Kurd" and banned all the other languages of


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